The past year has seen a flood of articles commemorating the end of the Cold War, and the fact that "peace" seems to be breaking out in many regions of the world. Most of these analyses lack any larger conceptual framework for distinguishing between what is essential and what is contingent or accidental in world history, and are predictably superficial. Gorbachev were ousted from the Kremlin or a new Ayatollah proclaimed the millennium from a desolate Middle Eastern capital, these same commentators would scramble to announce the rebirth of a new era of conflict.
History should be viewed as an evolutionary process. Events still occur at the end of history.
The end of history means liberal democracy is the final form of government for all nations. There can be no progression from liberal democracy to an alternative system.
Misinterpretations[ edit ] According to Fukuyama, since the French Revolutiondemocracy has repeatedly proven to be a fundamentally better system ethically, politically, economically than any of the alternatives.
However, many Fukuyama scholars claim this is a misreading of his work. Indeed, Fukuyama has stated: The End of History was never linked to a specifically American model of social or political organization.
This theory has faced criticismwith arguments largely resting on conflicting definitions of "war" and "mature democracy". Part of the difficulty in assessing the theory is that democracy as a widespread global phenomenon emerged only very recently in human history, which makes generalizing about it difficult.
See also list of wars between democracies. Other major empirical evidence includes the elimination of interstate warfare in South America, Southeast Asia, and Eastern Europe among countries that moved from military dictatorships to liberal democracies.
According to several studies, the end of the Cold War and the subsequent increase in the number of liberal democratic states were accompanied by a sudden and dramatic decline in total warfareinterstate wars, End of history thesis hegel wars, revolutionary wars, and the number of refugees and displaced persons.
According to Derrida, Fukuyama—and the quick celebrity of his book—is but one symptom of the anxiety to ensure the "death of Marx". For it must be cried out, at a time when some have the audacity to neo-evangelize in the name of the ideal of a liberal democracy that has finally realized itself as the ideal of human history: It is consonant with the current discourse of the Pope on the European community: Derrida points End of history thesis hegel that Fukuyama himself sees the real United States and European Union as imperfect compared to the "ideals" of liberal democracy and the free market.
Even the author understands that such ideals are not demonstrated by empirical evidence or ever could be demonstrated empirically. They belong entirely to the realm of philosophy or religion, owing their birth to the Gospels of Philosophy of Hegel. And yet Fukuyama still uses a movement toward empirical observations, which he himself grants are imperfect and incomplete, to validate an idea that is purely idealistic and transcendent of any empirical reality or possibility.
Fukuyama argues that even though there is poverty, racismand sexism in present-day democracies, there is no sign of a major revolutionary movement developing that would actually overthrow capitalism. Although this tends to be an ambiguous word, he uses it in the proper meaing for the time when the book was published.
It has been argued that he might even be a Neoconservative on some points but this has been firmly shot down by him and his use of "ideal" systems which is firmly denounced by many Anarcho-Capitalists of the same rote who believe that no government can be good.
His moral bent is strikingly similar but he does not identify with the founding fathers while espousing the same form of government to avoid petty debates.
Radical Islam, tribalism, and the "Clash of Civilizations"[ edit ] Various Western commentators have described the thesis of The End of History as flawed because it does not sufficiently take into account the power of ethnic loyalties and religious fundamentalism as a counter-force to the spread of liberal democracy, with the specific example of Islamic fundamentalismor radical Islam, as the most powerful of these.
Benjamin Barber wrote a article and a book, Jihad vs. McWorldthat addressed this theme. Barber described " McWorld " as a secular, liberal, corporate-friendly transformation of the world and used the word " jihad " to refer to the competing forces of tribalism and religious fundamentalism, with a special emphasis on Islamic fundamentalism.
In the essay and book, Huntington argued that the temporary conflict between ideologies is being replaced by the ancient conflict between civilizations.
The dominant civilization decides the form of human government, and these will not be constant. He especially singled out Islam, which he described as having "bloody borders". In the weeks after the attacks, Fareed Zakaria called the events "the end of the end of history", while George Will wrote that history had "returned from vacation".
He argued that Islam is not an imperialist force like Stalinism and fascism; that is, it has little intellectual or emotional appeal outside the Islamic "heartlands". Fukuyama pointed to the economic and political difficulties that Iran and Saudi Arabia face and argued that such states are fundamentally unstable: Moreover, when Islamic states have actually been created, they were easily dominated by the powerful Western states.
In OctoberFukuyama, in a Wall Street Journal opinion piece, responded to the declarations that the September 11 attacks had disproved his views by stating that "time and resources are on the side of modernity, and I see no lack of a will to prevail in the United States today.
But as Peter Bergen pointed out in these pages last week, Sunni radicalism has been remarkably ineffective in actually taking control of a nation-state, due to its propensity to devour its own potential supporters.
Some disenfranchised Muslims thrill to the rantings of Osama bin Laden or Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejadbut the appeal of this kind of medieval Islamism is strictly limited. He considered the challenge of China and Russia to be the major threat, since they could pose a viable rival model which could inspire other states.
He wrote, "Despite recent authoritarian advances, liberal democracy remains the strongest, most broadly appealing idea out there.
He wrote that, while liberal democracy still had no real competition from more authoritarian systems of government "in the realm of ideas", nevertheless he was less idealistic than he had been "during the heady days of He stated that the biggest problem for the democratically elected governments in some countries was not ideological but "their failure to provide the substance of what people want from government: Once societies get on the up escalator of industrialization, their social structure begins to change in ways that increase demands for political participation.An Interpretation of Hegel’s End of Art Thesis Tuğba Özer PHIL / 20th Century Philosophy and Literature Prof.
Dr. Ahmet İNAM June 19, The end of art thesis was firstly presented by German philosopher Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel and was interpreted by many others.
Recommended Reading: Alfred Tarski, Introduction to Logic and to the Methodology of Deductive Sciences, tr. by Olaf Helmer (Dover, ) and Alfred Tarski and the Vienna Circle: Austro--Polish Connections in Logical Empiricism, ed.
by Jan Wolenski and Eckhart Kohler (Kluwer, ). The End of History and the Last Man is a book by Francis Fukuyama, expanding on his essay "The End of History?", published in the international affairs journal The National Interest.
In the book, Fukuyama argues that the advent of Western liberal democracy may signal the endpoint of humanity's sociocultural evolution and the final .
The system embodied within Hegel's philosophy of history is essentially that of a dialectical progression. To give a brief outline, this model begins with an existing element, or thesis, with contradictions inherent to its structure.
From 'Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy' by Frederick Engels. Out of the dissolution of the Hegelian school, however, there developed still another tendency, the only one which has borne real fruit. Alexandre Kojève was responsible for the serious introduction of Hegel into 20th Century French philosophy, influencing many leading French intellectuals who attended his seminar on The Phenomenology of Spirit in Paris in the 30s.
He focused on Hegel’s philosophy of history and is .